Alloparenting: Expanding the Community of Love to Help to Raise Your Family

I recently attended a baby shower where guests were asked to write advice on a card for the parents-to-be.

Get help, I scribbled. Lots of help. Any kind of help—with cooking, cleaning, errands, venting, sharing—anything to free you physically and emotionally so you can fall in love with your baby and become a family. Oh, and stay in your pajamas for a month—it lowers others’ expectations of you.

Before I had children, I read With A Daughter’s Eye, Mary Catherine Bateson’s memoir about growing up with famous anthropologist parents, Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson. Mead, the “Grandmother of Anthropology,” was a pioneer in the study of family life in worldwide cultures, and she used her understanding of varied family patterns to shape her own.

Nobody has ever before asked the nuclear family to live all by itself in a box the way we do. With no relatives, no support, we’ve put it in an impossible situation.
— Margaret Mead

“She set out to create a community for me to grow up in,” Bateson writes.[1] “I did not grow up in a nuclear family or as an only child, but as a member of a flexible and welcoming extended family, full of children of all ages, in which five or six pairs of hands could be mobilized to shell peas or dry dishes.”

Mead thought it was preferable for children to be raised in a network of caring people, to be part of several households with several caretakers, as she had observed in her studies in Bali, New Guinea, and Samoa. She considered a nuclear family too tight a bond, too likely to “create a neurosis.”[2] Instead, she advocated for “cluster” units comprised of older married couples, singles, and teenagers from other households. This also freed Mead to work and travel away from home more.

“My mother’s arrangements…had the…quality of that kind of lacework that begins with a woven fabric from which threads are drawn and gathered, over which an embroidery is then laid, still without losing the integrity of the original weave,” Bateson writes.[3]

How did it feel to Bateson to have multiple caregivers as a child? Memories of her childhood are cast in a “rosy light,” she states. It was a “utopia,” and she considered herself “rich beyond other children.” She adds that she’d have to “dredge deep” to come up with an unhappy memory about the arrangement.

This idea planted a seed in me. When my husband and I decided to have children, we were thousands of miles away from our families. The thought that we could cultivate a viable family structure from other kinds of relationships was inspiring and liberating. It changed my life and the fabric of our entire family.

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Around that time, a friend entered our lives. Like me, Elnora is a white American, but she had spent years in India as an exchange student. In fact, she’d attended college there, spoke Hindi, and had lived with my husband’s extended family. As a result, she understood both his culture and mine. She’d known my husband since he was ten, and I came to know her when she moved near us in the Bay Area for a position in hospital administration.

I didn’t set out to make her make her a part of our family; instead, the relationship grew organically. I was attracted to her maturity, her psychological centeredness, and her kindness. When the birth of our first baby approached, I asked her if she would accompany us to take photographs—I trusted her more than anyone for this vulnerable moment. Afterwards, she and the baby bonded, and she began to visit us weekly to watch her grow. I noticed that we felt lighter when Elnora was around and were better versions of ourselves in her presence.

“I knew from the beginning I didn’t want to have children,” she told me later. “I didn’t always have a good experience as a child, and I didn’t want the responsibility of raising my own. But I had a deep wish to be connected to a family—and then you showed up!”

Later, she helped me birth our second baby. When it came time to push, I sat across Elnora’s and my husband’s thighs, my arms around their necks. She wiped my forehead and massaged my shoulders. She was the first person to hold the baby after my husband and myself.

Our closeness grew over the years. She babysat, brought us food when we were sick, and celebrated all the holidays with us. She was our person. In turn, she embraced the open, disarming love of children, and discovered that she was, in fact, good at such relationships. The children had their first sleepovers at her house (she even kept children’s Tylenol in her cabinet for midnight leg pains), and she was the “homework fairy” who made studying fun without fomenting rebellion. We invited her to travel with us, and she did, frequently—eventually attending college graduations, weddings, and even my mother-in-law’s cremation in Bombay. To us, she was “Lala,” “godmother,” or “fairy godmother,” but anthropologists would call her an “alloparent”—a non-parent who provides parental care to the young.

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Over the years, we continued to cultivate a relatively open household, and we were fortunate to engage with different kinds of alloparents. Many young people lived with us on their journey to adulthood, especially those from the Indian side, where joint families are typical. One young man, a physics major at the local university, performed science demonstrations for my children and their friends. A beloved babysitter was so integral to my ability to work, I told my mother-in-law that she had to obey the sitter in order to stay with us—certainly a violation of her expected social order. Other alloparents emerged, too—a tutor, a favorite teacher, even some of the college students I taught. Other parents were also great allies. In the summertime, our children flowed through the homes of other families, and we parents shared everything from information on sleepaway camps to our positive observations of each other’s children. We were designated family guardians in case of death, and later, I even officiated at the wedding of one of my daughter’s childhood friends.

A network of caring people engenders security in children. For my own kids, there was no doubt about a sense of belonging when their entire “posse” (their word) showed up for school performances and graduations. Having multiple caring adults around also made it easier for me to have a bad day: I could withdraw, knowing that some other buoyant spirit would pick up the slack. It also brought more diverse perspectives and temperaments into the mix. My children got to witness as my niece started a business and became a persuasive public speaker, in the process offering a model of what an energetic extrovert could do. And when a young teen starts to individuate, it’s helpful to have another eye on things while not threatening their autonomy.

What does the research say?

We are not meant to go it alone. In anthropology, humans are considered “cooperative breeders,” and researchers routinely document the contributions of alloparents along with biologically related ones. Learning this was a great relief to me, a refreshing departure from the conventional American view that mothers alone must bear the burden of care—an arrangement which the pandemic has proven particularly fragile and unsustainable.

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Research on almost any topic in developmental science shows that social support to the family improves developmental outcomes. For example, one of the strongest predictors of resilience in the face of trauma is the presence of any supportive adult for a child—an aunt or uncle, teacher, coach, or friend. Postpartum depression occurs less often when women are surrounded by helpful people after birth. Children’s talents are more likely to develop when a non-parent adult takes a deep interest in them. And teens navigate the bridge to adulthood more successfully with the help of older mentors.

Grandmothers are a well-studied type of alloparent, and the “grandmother hypothesis” ascribes them a critical role in supporting human evolution. Across history, the presence of a grandmother is associated with improved child survival rates and greater numbers of children. For millennia, grandmothers have foraged, cared for the young while parents worked, passed on parenting, cultural, and economic information, or assumed complete care when a parent was not available. They have also provided emotional support when children struggled with a parent or the arrival of a new sibling. In one study, a grandmother’s presence was shown to reduce the child’s cortisol (a stress hormone) during stressful family dynamics.

 The hard parts

However, things don’t always go swimmingly.

The support that is offered must meet the support that’s desired, writes noted developmental scientist Urie Bronfenbrenner in his book The Ecology of Human Development. One of Bronfenbrenner’s missions was to prove that support of all kinds—close-up or distant—significantly affects children’s development. But he pointed out that not all support is intrinsically useful. What matters most is how the help is felt by the recipient.

In my own experience, I found that thoughtful communication, clear boundaries, and a healthy dose of forgiveness were key. Periodic conversations about how things were going were useful, too. I sometimes served as an intermediary between the children and an alloparent, facilitating their alliance. I frequently explained the child’s developmental status, shared ideas for birthday gifts, or oriented our chosen family member about a child’s current struggles. In turn, I sometimes coached the children about how to interact with someone’s unfamiliar style of relating. And I taught them that acknowledgement and reciprocity mattered—thank you notes, a bowl of soup in the midst of a flu, help with chores, or, as they grew, a new music playlist and help with technology were offered in return.

Once in a while, I had to provide corrective guidance, or—more rarely—let an alloparent go if I thought they were not a positive influence on the kids or our family as a whole.

“I was mortified that I was sharp with the girls, once,” Elnora admitted. “You have to have an artful ability to take feedback if you’re going to be intimately involved with another family.” To her great credit, she was flexible with our last-minute schedule changes and requests and patient with our child-centered focus and family distractions.  I’m sure she didn’t always get the attention she deserved. Family life can be messy.

Then, too, some parents might feel jealous of other people’s close relationships with their children, or they might wonder if another relationship will undermine their child’s formation of a secure attachment. But to children, there’s no question about who their primary attachment figures are, as long as those caregivers are involved with, and attuned to, them. Children are biologically organized to form a “small hierarchy of attachments,” and under normal circumstances, parents are situated at the top. Other attachment figures can offer comfort and developmental scaffolding, but they are backups to the primary attachment. In my case, I believed my children were safer in a larger network, and I was grateful for others’ loving, constructive relationships with them.

What’s in it for alloparents?

“What did you get out of caring for a child who is not your own?” I recently asked Elnora.

“My connection to your family was life-changing—life-affirming,” she told me. “My childhood had rough spots, and I knew I didn’t want to have children myself,” she said. “You needed help, and I needed a family. With your kids, I was happy to learn that I could have meaningful relationships with children.

“And I got to play again! I got to ride merry-go-rounds and tiny trains, do craft projects, and I found I was not bad at storytelling or planning parties.

“I learned about child development and issues like discipline and cooperation that even spilled over into my job. I became a softer supervisor at work, more interested in my employees as whole persons.

“And I received the love and affection of children, going on 33 years now.”

The freedom to choose

In human evolution, families are designed to keep adapting to changing circumstances, and we can see that families in the U.S. are under a slow but steady process of remodeling. As of 2014, the heterosexual nuclear family in which parents stay married is no longer the dominant family form. Instead, over the last 60 years, there has been an increase in cohabitating caregivers, second marriages, blended families, and single caregiver households. Many children live with grandparents, either exclusively or along with a parent, and a small but increasing percentage (292,000 children) live with same-sex parents. Queer families have long been on the vanguard of creating “chosen families,” often out of necessity, and now the phrase is increasingly common in Millennial parlance. Research shows that it’s not the family form that matters to children’s development as much as how the relationships feel.

“We all must compose our lives without relying on single role models,” Bateson writes.[4] One can look to other kinds of families for inspiration, she says, but above all, her mother’s work affirmed “the possibility of choosing.”

This Mother’s Day, one of my daughters wrote to Elnora, “I feel so lucky to have multiple adults in my life who looked out for me, guided me throughout the world, and continue to be here for me.” My other daughter, echoed the same sentiment: “I’m so lucky to have two amazing mother figures in my life to love and support us along the way. My own future family will be so lucky to have all these people who love them already!”

Elnora replied, “It’s been a special, extraordinary experience to be this close to you for all of your lives.”

And every year I write to her, “I couldn’t have done it without you.”

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[1] Bateson, M. C. (1984). With a Daughter’s Eye: A Memoir of Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson. Harper Perennial, p. 7.

[2] There is no research, to my knowledge, that verifies this statement.

[3] Bateson, M. C. (1984). With a Daughter’s Eye: A Memoir of Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson. Harper Perennial, p. 22.

[4] Bateson, M. C. (1984). With a Daughter’s Eye: A Memoir of Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson. Harper Perennial, p. xvii

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It's Time for the U.S. to Take Developmental Justice Seriously

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The U.S. ranks among the worst in developed nations in which to raise children. Its poor performance is both alarming and consistent. But as the new U.S. administration goes to work, there are flickering signs that America’s children may start to get the care and respect they deserve. The Biden-Harris Administration is proposing a combination of emergency relief and permanent policies that are long overdue, albeit a drop in the bucket. But they’re significant and evidence-based, and they may begin to help us catch up with the more supportive ways other countries treat their children.

Policies and the beliefs and values they telegraph comprise a systemic approach to children, just as they do for any demographic, e.g. gender, ethnicity, ability, etc. And historically, children are late to the justice table. For most of human history, children were not seen as fully human until they could work, and even then, it was legal to abuse, enslave, and even kill them. They were considered objects—property to do with as one pleased. Some children were targeted more than others, including girls, the poor, immigrants, indigenous, and black children. In the U.S., child labor wasn’t outlawed until 1938; child abuse became illegal in 1974. Surgeries on babies were routinely performed without analgesics as late as the 1980s, as babies were deemed insufficiently evolved to feel pain—a belief refuted with data only in 1986.

The U.S. is progressing, but we lag far behind the rest of developed countries in elevating our children to the status and protection they deserve.

The most glaring example is our singular refusal among all UN member nations to sign the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). The UNCRC is a legally binding international agreement that acknowledges the basic human civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights of children. The UNCRC maintains that children are “entitled to special care and assistance” because of their developmental status and decrees that governments should hold “the best interests of the child” central to all of their decision-making. The Convention includes 54 articles detailing the following children’s rights: to survive, develop, be educated, and cared for; to be protected from violence, war, abuse or neglect; and to have a voice in matters that affect them. Why has the U.S. refused to ratify the document? Largely because Republican senators have consistently blocked it, claiming that it will undermine the sovereignty of the American family. I think we can safely conclude that this is not an actual problem, as 196 countries have successfully governed by the UNCRC for decades.

 How do U.S. children fare compared to children in other countries?

  • Spending on families. According to The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the U.S. ranks 34th out of 38 OECD countries in the percentage of GDP spent on family benefits. The OECD average is 2.4%, and while some Western and Northern European countries spend 3.5%, the U.S. spends less than 1.5%.

Source: OECD

Caregivers’ paid leave from work to take care of newborns or newly adopted children is critical for children’s good start in life, and it’s an important way governments support child development. Newborns literally need consistent access to their caregivers’ bodies to establish healthy regulatory systems for the rest of their lives. The U.S. is the only country among 41 OECD nations that does not provide paid leave (although five states and D.C. have enacted their own paid leave policies). By contrast, many other countries offer a full year, Estonia offers one and a half, and the smallest length of time offered by any OECD nation other than the U.S.  is two months.

 
 
  • Child poverty. The U.S. has the 10th highest child poverty rate of 42 OECD countries; nearly one third of our country’s citizens in poverty are children. Research shows that poverty in childhood undermines cognitive, social, and emotional development as well as educational and occupational achievement. Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great War on Poverty saw child poverty rates decline, but beginning with the Reagan administration, that trend reversed—for children much more than for other age groupsas the graph below shows. This disproportionate data should raise questions about why the U.S. has chosen to hold poverty rates down for adults but not for children.

  • Overall well-being. UNICEF ranks the U.S. 36th out of 38 rich countries on the overall well-being of children. This includes their mental health, physical health, and academic and social skills—where America ranks 32nd, 38th, and 32nd respectively out of 38 countries.

(If you’re interested in how children are faring in your state, Kids Count ranks individual U.S. states on various measures of well-being. In overall well-being, Massachusetts ranks first, New Mexico last, and California 34th.)

  • Child mortality rates. Globally, children under five have the highest mortality rates of anyone under the age of 75:

And the U.S., one of the most medically advanced countries in the world, ranks 34 out of 44 OECD countries on infant mortality. Black babies in the U.S. are more than twice as likely to die than white babies.

  • Corporal punishment. A worldwide movement is gaining traction to prohibit the corporal punishment of children in any setting. (Corporal punishment is the intentional use of physical force to cause pain or discomfort, or non-physical force that is cruel or degrading.) As of this writing, 61 countries have legally prohibited it in all settings, e.g., family, daycare, school, prisons, etc. In the U.S., though outright child abuse is unlawful, corporal punishment just shy of that mark is legal in all families and in schools in 19 states. (See here for the difference between corporal punishment and child abuse.) Hitting an adult is considered assault, but the legal use of corporal punishment with children is just one example of the ways that they are denied the relationship rights and protections afforded to grownups. Five decades of research on the spanking of children shows that it leads to poor outcomes, but as of 2016, two thirds of U.S. parents agree with the statement “Sometimes a child just needs a good, hard spanking.”

  • Gun violence. Children in the U.S. are 15 times more likely to die from gun violence than children in 31 other rich countries combined. Gunshot wounds are the second leading cause of death for children and teens in the U.S.; more children under five years of age died from gun violence in 2017 than law enforcement officers in the line of duty. Since 1963, more children and teens have died by gun than all the soldiers killed together in the Vietnam, Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Iraq wars. 

There are numerous other deeply disturbing statistics, but you can see the clear trend: The U.S. does not invest in its children like other developed nations. In his 2005 book Making Human Beings Human, influential developmental scientist Urie Bronfenbrenner writes:

America’s families, and their children, are in trouble, trouble so deep and pervasive as to threaten the future of our nation. The source of the trouble is nothing less than national neglect of children and…their parents (p. 211).

Laurence Steinberg a developmental scientist who studies teens, sounds a similar alarm in his 2015 book Age of Opportunity, Lessons from the New Science of Adolescence:

When a country’s adolescents trail much of the world on measures of school achievement, but are among the world’s leaders in violence, unwanted pregnancy, STDs,…binge drinking, marijuana use,…and unhappiness, it is time to admit that something is wrong with the way that country is raising its young people. That country is the United States (p. 1).

It’s time to rethink our rosy attitude about “American exceptionalism” and get real. America’s children are systematically undermined. We are only exceptional among nations in our ill treatment of them.

The political climate during the past four years was particularly hostile for children.

The last four years were brutal for children. Beginning with the 2016 presidential campaign, youth bullying spiked to around 70%—directly attributable to Donald Trump’s racist, sexist, and violent rhetoric, according to the Human Rights Campaign and the Southern Poverty Law Center.

The parent-child attachment relationship was targeted and weaponized by the anti-immigrant child separation policy. At least 5,400 children were systematically separated from their parents at the southern border, and at least 545 remain “lost” in the system, unable to be reunited with their families. This kind of separation is clearly known to cause toxic stress in children and alter the structure of their developing brains; it’s recognized by human rights organizations like Amnesty International, Physicians for Human Rights, and many more as a form of torture.

The Covid-19 pandemic layered on additional stress for the vulnerable: 700,000 children became uninsured, food insecurity spiked, and academic achievement disparities widened.  

In her book Childism (a term for systematic prejudice against children), therapist Elisabeth Young-Bruehl writes that one of the clearest signs of a systematic bias against children is the “widespread acquiescence in policies that require future generations to shoulder responsibility for present prosperity.” She writes:

The young have been saddled with a world filled with violence, riddled with economic inequality, and endangered by a disastrous lack of environmental oversight; they must assume a gigantic burden of peacekeeping, legislating fairness, and halting environmental degradation (p. 14).

The last election has shown us that young people are increasingly politically active, expressing concerns over racial injustice, gun violence, climate change, and more. Yet in the 2020 election in California, a proposition that would have extended the vote to 17-year-olds was rejected.

Insulting language and micro-aggressions

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Derogatory language about children is normalized in contemporary society. As Donald Trump increasingly went off the rails, the media often referred to him as a child or—especially damning—a toddler. Surely, if any other demographic were targeted with such an insult, it would be seen as biased and prejudicial.

Even loving caregivers use labels like a “difficult baby” (to whom?), or “the terrible twos” (as if humans shouldn’t strive for autonomy). Teenagers (or iGens) are routinely maligned, as are the prior generation, the millennials. They are talked over, excluded, ignored, and insulted, despite data showing that they are generally inclusive, creative, diverse, accepting, and politically active.

Derogatory language reveals underlying attitudes about children and is especially harmful because of the way human development works. Young children are wired to identify with adults and absorb the discourse around them as normal, as the benchmark of the society they’re learning to enter. Only in adolescence, when they start to individuate, do they have a chance to separate the wheat from the chaff. We place an additional burden on their development when they have to work to shed harmful stereotypes of any kind.

Can we turn a corner?

The Biden-Harris Administration is proposing an overarching “care economy” that recognizes the critical importance of supporting families in caring for their children. A few of their proposals are:

  • A $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan that could reduce child poverty by 45%, according to an analysis by the Columbia University Center on Poverty and Social Policy.

  •  A commitment to emergency paid sick leave and family and medical leave, which research shows are critical to flattening the curve of Covid-19. The administration has also committed to a permanent 12-week paid family and medical leave policy, allowing families to care for newborns and other family members, and a national paid-sick-days law that makes it easier for people to care for themselves and others when illness strikes.  

  •  Shoring up childcare by reducing costs to families through tax credits and subsidies, and building more childcare centers, including in workplaces. Unpaid caregivers will also receive a tax credit. Importantly, the current administration plans to build up the childcare workforce with better pay, benefits, training, worker protections and career opportunities.

  •  Free, high-quality universal early childhood education for pre-kindergarten three- and four-year-olds. Economists have long recognized that this investment is the best way to improve the economy over the long term.

  •  Making schools hubs for parent and child support by providing more mental health professionals and community resources to families right in school buildings. This is an idea long supported by developmental scientists and educators.

  •  Creating a task force to reunite separated children with their parents, which First Lady Jill Biden will oversee.

There is so much more to do, but these initiatives are hopeful signs that America, at long last, may finally begin to leave harmful approaches to children in the dust bin of history.

In the meantime, adults who raise, guide, and educate children have a powerful role, too. Historian Lloyd deMause documents the history of childhood in his book The Emotional Life of Nations, and he writes that when leaders don’t lead, caregivers can. “Changes in childrearing precede social change,” he reminds us (p. vi). Adult citizen voices are critical to persuading politicians to support families. Informed by developmental science and policy research, Americans can lift up our children, recognize their full humanity, and offer a more stable, successful, and hopeful future for all of us.

 

 (Thumbnail image: Amy Humphries)

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